The complexities of Sudan’s political situation and the need to think outside the box
The documents of the Sudan Constitutional Charter (Charter of Principles and Constitution) signed in Nairobi on February 22, 2025, fully embody the New Sudan project for which the SPLM-N has struggled for more than 40 years.North for more than forty years, and thus these documents are considered the most advanced documents in the history of modern Sudan in terms of addressing the deepening Sudanese crisis and addressing the roots and causes of conflict and wars in Sudan forever, and there is no clause that could be a source of concern for the marginalized Sudanese peoples, especially our people in Darmsalit, because the documents included everything that was lacking in Sudanese constitutions since the colonialist exit from Sudan and the declaration of so-called independence on 1 January 1956, especially explicitly stating “recognition of the historical customary ownership of tribes and local communities in lands and resources”.
These documents are considered a great success and a historical achievement achieved by the Popular Movement and the Sudanese peoples in their struggle to rebuild a new Sudan on foundations different from those on which Sudan was built, which represented and still represents a source of privileges for a minority that used the Sudanese state as a private company to achieve political, social, economic, cultural and religious gains and prevent others from them by creating structural barriers that prevent others from obtaining the privileges enjoyed by this minority due to their absolute control over state apparatus.
The most important thing that came in the Nairobi documents is the inclusion of supra-constitutional principles, which are the core of the values on which any modern state is built that respects the humanity of mankind and guarantees all his rights as stipulated in international human rights conventions. This step is very important to ensure that there is no setback and hijacking of the state in the future by the dark reactionary forces (the forces of the old Sudan) and pushing Sudan back thousands of light years.
Although there are questions and concerns (legitimate and objective) about the possibility of the commitment of all signatories to implement the documents, especially the RSF because of its bloody history, violations and crimes against Sudanese peoples (which no one can deny) and the lack of discipline of its elements in a doctrine that respects international humanitarian laws and human rights. Thus, the real test is whether the coalition will have the mechanisms and means to guarantee and bind the parties to the coalition to implement what was signed in Nairobi.
On the other hand, the Port Sudan 2025 constitutional document undoubtedly shows an attempt to recycle and produce the old Sudan (the version of their Sheikh Turabi) again as a result of the great pressure that Al-Burhan is under by the Islamists and those who have been fighting on his side since the beginning of the ongoing war on April 15, 2023, even if those who support Al-Burhan and the military establishment from the marginalized peoples deny this (and these marginalized people will be unable to do anything about the changes that Al-Burhan makes in the constitutional document to establish the military’s grip and control and empower himself or prepare for the return of the Islamists and racist supporters of the state of the river and the sea). The marginalized cannot do anything about Burhan’s changes to the constitutional document to establish the military’s grip and control, empower himself, or pave the way for the return of the Islamists and the advocates of the racist state of the river and the sea.
What is truly regrettable, despite the fact that many marginalized people claim to be aware and enlightened, is their inability to know and identify the tactics and strategies of the old Sudanese elites in managing crises and attracting and mobilizing the marginalized to support them at a time when they feel a real threat to their racist state structure, especially the use of misleading coding tactics, which the center is very good at, especially the use of misleading coding tactics. For example, after signing the Sudan Constitutional Charter in Nairobi, the National Umma Party removed General Fadlallah Barmah from the party’s presidency on the grounds that he had violated the party’s principles and exercised powers that he did not have as president and signed a charter stating the principle of secularism and the right to self-determination. Consequently, the Umma Party appointed lawyer Mr. Mohamed Abdullah al-Douma as the party’s chairman, replacing Fadlallah Berma. Of course, no two people disagree about the eligibility, ability and competence of Mr. Mohamed Abdullah al-Duma to head the party, but we must ask why he is specifically at this exact time despite the fact that the Umma Party refused to appoint Mohamed Abdullah as governor in El Geneina in July 2020 within the benefits of the Umma Party as one of the components of Freedom and Change and despite the approval and demand of the masses of the state to appoint him as governor. and the demand of the people of the state to appoint him by going out in thunderous marches that are still ingrained in the minds of all Sudanese, but despite this refusal from the Umma Party, Mr. Mohamed Abdullah insisted and accepted the assignment in response to the will of the citizens in Darmsalit and was ready to sacrifice his membership in the party in order to achieve the desire of these masses. After all this, it is surprising that the Umma Party would appoint him as president in these exceptional circumstances in Sudan’s history in order to put him at the forefront to serve the purposes of the Port Sudan clique.
This behavior does not go beyond the circle of misleading our people in Darmsalit and a cheap attempt to mobilize and charge them against what was agreed upon in Nairobi. The fierce media attack and political assassination directed against the personality of Comrade Abdelaziz Adam Helu as a member of the Masalit tribe since he appeared and addressed the opening session in Nairobi (although he did not go there as a representative of the Masalit tribe, but as the head of the SPLM-North organization and as a representative of the dreams and aspirations of millions of marginalized peoples).and representing the dreams and aspirations of millions of marginalized peoples yearning for freedom), and portraying him as running the movement and making decisions unilaterally without referring to the movement’s institutions. The observer of all this noise is fully aware of the purpose of the appointment of Mr. Mohamed Abdullah al-Duma, which is a poor attempt to divide our people in Darmsalit, who have been struggling for a long time against the old Sudanese regimes and mobilizing them against Comrade Abdelaziz (as a Masalite and not standing with you) and misleading them with the leadership of Mr. Mohamed Abdullah to the Umma Party (as a Masalite and standing with the state and therefore you must support him). We emphasize that these methods will not fool our people.
We reaffirm once again to our people in Darmsalit and all Sudanese peoples that the SPLM is not the enemy of marginalized peoples or any other peoples in Sudan, but is fighting for them to put a final end to the series of chronic wars that have plagued Sudan for nearly seventy years, and to achieve this, the movement uses several means and tactics that may sometimes be misunderstood.
We know that the political reality in Sudan has become complex and difficult to understand easily, but we must look and analyze the reality impartially according to the existing data and not be dragged behind emotional speeches and the deliberate blurring of consciousness by the enemies of real change and their supporters from the marginal peoples. We must withstand the tremendous psychological pressure and sharp polarization practiced by some parties and our people must think outside the box to identify the party that serves your strategic goals and stand on the right side of history instead of playing the role of compradors and mechanisms and helping (for free) the old Sudan forces that have oppressed our people for years to achieve their goals.
Our final message to all Sudanese who have been historically affected by the crises of the dysfunctional and distorted historical situation of the Sudanese state is not to stand on the wrong side of history and regret it someday.
The struggle continues and victory is certain
Mojtaba Hammad Adam
Tuesday, February 25, 2025
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